We Can’t Wish Away Climate
Change
By Al Gore - Feb. 2010 - via N.Y. Times
It would be an enormous relief if the recent attacks on the
science of global warming actually indicated that we do not face
an unimaginable calamity requiring large-scale, preventive
measures to protect human civilization as we know it.
Of course, we would still need to deal with the national security
risks of our growing dependence on a global oil market dominated
by dwindling reserves in the most unstable region of the world,
and the economic risks of sending hundreds of billions of dollars
a year overseas in return for that oil. And we would still trail
China in the race to develop smart grids, fast trains, solar
power, wind, geothermal and other renewable sources of energy
— the most important sources of new jobs in
the 21st century.
But what a burden would be lifted! We would no longer have to
worry that our grandchildren would one day look back on us as a
criminal generation that had selfishly and blithely ignored clear
warnings that their fate was in our hands. We could instead
celebrate the naysayers who had doggedly persisted in proving
that every major National Academy of Sciences report on climate
change had simply made a huge mistake.
I, for one, genuinely wish that the climate crisis were an
illusion. But unfortunately, the reality of the danger we are
courting has not been changed by the discovery of at least two
mistakes in the thousands of pages of careful scientific work
over the last 22 years by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change. In fact, the crisis is still growing because we are
continuing to dump 90 million tons of global-warming pollution
every 24 hours into the atmosphere — as if it
were an open sewer.
It is true that the IPCC climate panel published a flawed
overestimate of the melting rate of debris-covered glaciers in
the Himalayas, and used information about the Netherlands
provided to it by the government, which was later found to be
partly inaccurate. In addition, e-mail messages stolen from the
University of East Anglia in Britain showed that scientists
besieged by an onslaught of hostile, make-work demands from
climate skeptics may not have adequately followed the
requirements of the British freedom of information law.
But the scientific enterprise will never be completely free of
mistakes. What is important is that the overwhelming consensus on
global warming remains unchanged. It is also worth noting that
the panel’s scientists —
acting in good faith on the best information then available to
them — probably underestimated the range of
sea-level rise in this century, the speed with which the Arctic
ice cap is disappearing and the speed with which some of the
large glacial flows in Antarctica and Greenland are melting and
racing to the sea.
Because these and other effects of global warming are distributed
globally, they are difficult to identify and interpret in any
particular location. For example, January was seen as unusually
cold in much of the United States. Yet from a global perspective,
it was the second-hottest January since surface temperatures were
first measured 130 years ago.
Similarly, even though climate deniers have speciously argued for
several years that there has been no warming in the last decade,
scientists confirmed last month that the last 10 years were the
hottest decade since modern records have been kept.
The heavy snowfalls this month have been used as fodder for
ridicule by those who argue that global warming is a myth, yet
scientists have long pointed out that warmer global temperatures
have been increasing the rate of evaporation from the oceans,
putting significantly more moisture into the atmosphere
— thus causing heavier downfalls of both rain
and snow in particular regions, including the Northeastern United
States. Just as it’s important not to miss the
forest for the trees, neither should we miss the climate for the
snowstorm.
Here is what scientists have found is happening to our climate:
man-made global-warming pollution traps heat from the sun and
increases atmospheric temperatures. These pollutants
— especially carbon dioxide
— have been increasing rapidly with the growth
in the burning of coal, oil, natural gas and forests, and
temperatures have increased over the same period. Almost all of
the ice-covered regions of the Earth are melting
— and seas are rising. Hurricanes are
predicted to grow stronger and more destructive, though their
number is expected to decrease. Droughts are getting longer and
deeper in many mid-continent regions, even as the severity of
flooding increases. The seasonal predictability of rainfall and
temperatures is being disrupted, posing serious threats to
agriculture. The rate of species extinction is accelerating to
dangerous levels.
Though there have been impressive efforts by many business
leaders, hundreds of millions of individuals and families
throughout the world and many national, regional and local
governments, our civilization is still failing miserably to slow
the rate at which these emissions are increasing
— much less reduce them.
And in spite of President Obama’s efforts at
the Copenhagen climate summit meeting in December, global leaders
failed to muster anything more than a decision to
“take note†of an intention to
act.
Because the world still relies on leadership from the United
States, the failure by the Senate to pass legislation intended to
cap American emissions before the Copenhagen meeting guaranteed
that the outcome would fall far short of even the minimum needed
to build momentum toward a meaningful solution.
The political paralysis that is now so painfully evident in
Washington has thus far prevented action by the Senate
— not only on climate and energy legislation,
but also on health care reform, financial regulatory reform and a
host of other pressing issues.
This comes with painful costs. China, now the
world’s largest and fastest-growing source of
global-warming pollution, had privately signaled early last year
that if the United States passed meaningful legislation, it would
join in serious efforts to produce an effective treaty. When the
Senate failed to follow the lead of the House of Representatives,
forcing the president to go to Copenhagen without a new law in
hand, the Chinese balked. With the two largest polluters refusing
to act, the world community was paralyzed.
Some analysts attribute the failure to an inherent flaw in the
design of the chosen solution — arguing that a
cap-and-trade approach is too unwieldy and difficult to put in
place. Moreover, these critics add, the financial crisis that
began in 2008 shook the world’s confidence in
the use of any market-based solution.
But there are two big problems with this critique: First, there
is no readily apparent alternative that would be any easier
politically. It is difficult to imagine a globally harmonized
carbon tax or a coordinated multilateral regulatory effort. The
flexibility of a global market-based policy —
supplemented by regulation and revenue-neutral tax policies
— is the option that has by far the best
chance of success. The fact that it is extremely difficult does
not mean that we should simply give up.
Second, we should have no illusions about the difficulty and the
time needed to convince the rest of the world to adopt a
completely new approach. The lags in the global climate system,
including the buildup of heat in the oceans from which it is
slowly reintroduced into the atmosphere, means that we can create
conditions that make large and destructive consequences
inevitable long before their awful manifestations become
apparent: the displacement of hundreds of millions of climate
refugees, civil unrest, chaos and the collapse of governance in
many developing countries, large-scale crop failures and the
spread of deadly diseases.
It’s important to point out that the United
States is not alone in its inaction. Global political paralysis
has thus far stymied work not only on climate, but on trade and
other pressing issues that require coordinated international
action.
The reasons for this are primarily economic. The globalization of
the economy, coupled with the outsourcing of jobs from industrial
countries, has simultaneously heightened fears of further job
losses in the industrial world and encouraged rising expectations
in emerging economies. The result? Heightened opposition, in both
the industrial and developing worlds, to any constraints on the
use of carbon-based fuels, which remain our principal source of
energy.
The decisive victory of democratic capitalism over communism in
the 1990s led to a period of philosophical dominance for market
economics worldwide and the illusion of a unipolar world. It also
led, in the United States, to a hubristic
“bubble†of market fundamentalism
that encouraged opponents of regulatory constraints to mount an
aggressive effort to shift the internal boundary between the
democracy sphere and the market sphere. Over time, markets would
most efficiently solve most problems, they argued. Laws and
regulations interfering with the operations of the market carried
a faint odor of the discredited statist adversary we had just
defeated.
This period of market triumphalism coincided with confirmation by
scientists that earlier fears about global warming had been
grossly understated. But by then, the political context in which
this debate took form was tilted heavily toward the views of
market fundamentalists, who fought to weaken existing constraints
and scoffed at the possibility that global constraints would be
needed to halt the dangerous dumping of global-warming pollution
into the atmosphere.
Over the years, as the science has become clearer and clearer,
some industries and companies whose business plans are dependent
on unrestrained pollution of the atmospheric commons have become
ever more entrenched. They are ferociously fighting against the
mildest regulation — just as tobacco companies
blocked constraints on the marketing of cigarettes for four
decades after science confirmed the link of cigarettes to
diseases of the lung and the heart.
Simultaneously, changes in America’s political
system — including the replacement of
newspapers and magazines by television as the dominant medium of
communication — conferred powerful advantages
on wealthy advocates of unrestrained markets and weakened
advocates of legal and regulatory reforms. Some news media
organizations now present showmen masquerading as political
thinkers who package hatred and divisiveness as entertainment.
And as in times past, that has proved to be a potent drug in the
veins of the body politic. Their most consistent theme is to
label as “socialist†any proposal
to reform exploitive behavior in the marketplace.
From the standpoint of governance, what is at stake is our
ability to use the rule of law as an instrument of human
redemption. After all has been said and so little done, the truth
about the climate crisis — inconvenient as
ever — must still be faced.
The pathway to success is still open, though it tracks the outer
boundary of what we are capable of doing. It begins with a choice
by the United States to pass a law establishing a cost for global
warming pollution. The House of Representatives has already
passed legislation, with some Republican support, to take the
first halting steps for pricing greenhouse gas emissions.
Later this week, Senators John Kerry, Lindsey Graham and Joe
Lieberman are expected to present for consideration similar
cap-and-trade legislation.
I hope that it will place a true cap on carbon emissions and
stimulate the rapid development of low-carbon sources of
energy.
We have overcome existential threats before. Winston Churchill is
widely quoted as having said, “Sometimes doing
your best is not good enough. Sometimes, you must do what is
required.†Now is that time. Public officials must
rise to this challenge by doing what is required; and the public
must demand that they do so — or must replace
them.