Quote of the day: From Edwin P. Elliott via UCC Chatter
"Make the most of your natural assets – mine is incompetence."
A Selective Tasting of Articles about Social, Economic, Scientific, Artistic, and Political Thought That Has Successfully Passed Thru Stage I of a Stupidity Filter. ****************
Quote of the day: From Edwin P. Elliott via UCC Chatter
Crushed Glass to Be Spread on Beaches
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FORT LAUDERDALE, Fla. (AP) -- Picture a beautiful beach spanning miles of coastline, gently lapped by aqua-colored water - and sprinkled with glass.
Ouch? Think again. It feels just like sand, but with granules that sparkle in the sunlight.
Faced with the constant erosion of Florida's beaches, Broward County officials are exploring using recycled glass - crushed into tiny grains and mixed with regular sand - to help fill gaps.
It's only natural, backers of the idea say, since sand is the main ingredient in glass.
"Basically, what we're doing is taking the material and returning it back to its natural state," said Phil Bresee, Broward's recycling manager.
The county would become the first in the nation to combine disposal of recycled glass with bolstering beach sand reserves, Bresee said.
"You reduce waste stream that goes to our landfills and you generate materials that could be available for our beaches," said Paden Woodruff of the state Department of Environmental Protection.
Sept. 3, 2007 issue - One of the complaints you hear a lot from readers when you're in my line of work and live in my part of the country is that you can't understand America from the vantage point of New York City. I'm beginning to think there's some truth to that, and it's all because of the candidacy of Rudy Giuliani.
Ever since the presidency was a mere gleam in his eye, lots of New Yorkers have been predicting that Rudy, like a toddler or a genuine bagel, would not travel well across the country. It wasn't just the quasi-liberal positions on abortion, gay rights and gun control: he could massage those, and sometimes has. It was his private life, which his former constituents have watched with all the avidity of a soaps addict tuning in to "All My Children." There was the annulment from the first wife, who was his second cousin, the press conference he used to inform the second wife that she was history, the girlfriend he met in the cigar bar who became wife number three, and the very public estrangement from his children, both of whom have suggested that they won't be stumping for Dad. To which the candidate recently responded at a town-hall meeting, "Leave my family alone, just like I'll leave your family alone."
This would be a reasonable response were Giuliani not a member of the Republican Party, which in the last three decades has often been less about public policy and more about moral judgment. It wasn't always so. Once the GOP was moderate and secular. But then the '60s arrived. Society divided itself neatly into the button-down and the tie-dyed, and the Republican Party rallied around something called "family values." It's a phrase that has appeared in every party platform since 1976 and is often accompanied by the adjective "traditional," which translated means that if you don't have a stay-at-home mommy, a dominant daddy, some kids, a marriage license and a church membership, you're disinvited to the party.
Combined with the ascendancy of the religious right, which had the distinct political advantage of insisting that even its most uncharitable positions were beamed down from above, what developed was a neat political dichotomy. The Democrats were godless liberals—"contemporary socialism" was how the 1992 GOP platform put it—no matter how often they went to church or voted for war. And the Republicans were the party of old-fashioned values, less constitutional than canonical. Barry Goldwater, once known as Mr. Conservative, decried this shift before he died: Christian conservatives were, he said, "trying to take the Republican Party away from the Republican Party, and make a religious organization out of it."
It took some sleight of hand to reinforce this positioning. You have to give credit to the spin-sters who portrayed Ronald Reagan as a paterfamilias (although he had distant relationships with his children) guided by God (although he scarcely ever went to church). By contrast, while the Clintons were inveterate churchgoers and involved parents, and decided to keep their marriage together after consulting with Billy Graham, it was easy in the wake of the Lewinsky scandal to demonize their personal lives. Bill Clinton alone helped to keep the Republican Church of Moral Certainty alive longer than it might have been, and Hillary Clinton's candidacy has given its fringes a second wind.
But a shift has slowly been brewing. The Republican platform of 1992 had the family-values section at its very beginning; by 2004 it appeared at the end. National security had trumped the wacky emphasis on whether kids can sue their parents. Perhaps in part this was because even Republican families have changed in the last 30 years. The vice president became enraged when he was asked by a reporter about his daughter, a lesbian with a longtime partner, who gave birth to their first child not long ago. Maybe Dick Cheney genuinely thinks there is no conflict between being the standard-bearer of a party that has been hostile to gay rights and the father of a person who might need them. But if you run on family values, both your values and your family will inevitably be subject to scrutiny. Be careful what you wish for: it might get you.
A Giuliani victory wouldn't be a good thing for this country, but his candidacy may wind up being a very good thing for his party. The poll numbers that show him consistently ahead come as a surprise to many of us in the city where he was once mayor—and where he once bunked with a gay couple after leaving his second wife. But perhaps they indicate that the end is nigh for the stranglehold the Leviticus lobby has had on the GOP. All those who joined the Republican Party for smaller government, not fire and brimstone, may be ready to take back the power, to say that health care is more important than creationism, that the disintegration of Social Security is more critical than a ban on gay marriage. Maybe Republicans are finally ready to be members of a political party again, the kind Barry Goldwater could embrace, one that knows the difference between a podium and a pulpit.
A third attempt by Wal-Mart to be Web 2.0 savvy hasn't turned out much better than the first two. Slashdot notes that angry Facebook users have hijacked a page aimed at selling back-to-school supplies to college kids and turned it into a missive on the evils of Wal-Mart's labor and business practices.
Of the more than 200 posts, only a handful relate directly to dorm decorating. And instead of color coordinating with roommates, users seem to prefer talking about how the retail giant "destroys communities" and prevents unionization. To be fair, there was one comment on a 4-pack of men's environmentally friendly organic socks for $4.
Last year, the company set up a blog "written by two independent consumers" that was later revealed to be backed by an Wal-Mart PR initiative. The company then tried its hand at its own social network, The Hub. It was closed after 10 weeks.
Seeking Willie Horton, by Paul Krugman, Commentary, NY Times:
So now Mitt Romney is trying to Willie Hortonize Rudy Giuliani. And thereby hangs a tale — the tale, in fact, of American politics past and future, and the ultimate reason Karl Rove’s vision of a permanent Republican majority was a foolish fantasy.
Willie Horton, for those who don’t remember the 1988 election, ... committed armed robbery and rape after being released from prison on a weekend furlough program. He was made famous by an attack ad ... that played into racial fears. Many believe that the ad played an important role in George H.W. Bush’s victory over Michael Dukakis.
Now some Republicans are trying to make similar use of the recent murder of three college students in Newark, a crime in which two of the suspects are Hispanic illegal immigrants. ...
Mr. Romney, who pretends to be whatever he thinks the G.O.P. base wants him to be, is running a radio ad denouncing New York as a “sanctuary city” for illegal immigrants, an implicit attack on Mr. Giuliani.
Strangely, nobody seems to be trying to make a national political issue out of other horrifying crimes, like the Connecticut home invasion in which two paroled convicts, both white, are accused of killing a mother and her two daughters. ...
To appreciate what’s going on here you need to understand the ... strategy [the G.O.P.] uses to win elections. ... [R]ight-wing economic ideology has never been a vote-winner. Instead, the party’s electoral strategy has depended largely on exploiting racial fear and animosity.
Ronald Reagan didn’t become governor of California by preaching the wonders of free enterprise; he did it by attacking the state’s fair housing law, denouncing welfare cheats and associating liberals with urban riots. Reagan ..[began] his 1980 campaign with a speech ... supporting states’ rights delivered just outside Philadelphia, Miss., where three civil rights workers were murdered in 1964.
And if you look at the political successes of the G.O.P. since it was taken over by movement conservatives, they had very little to do with public opposition to taxes, moral values, perceived strength on national security, or any of the other explanations usually offered. To an almost embarrassing extent, they all come down to just five words: southern whites starting voting Republican. ...
But Republicans have a problem: ... America is becoming less white, mainly because of immigration. Hispanic and Asian voters were only 4 percent of the electorate in 1980, but they were 11 percent of voters in 2004 — and that number will keep rising...
Those numbers are the reason Karl Rove was so eager to reach out to Hispanic voters. But the whites the G.O.P. has counted on to vote their color, not their economic interests, are having none of it. From their point of view, it’s us versus them — and everyone who looks different is one of them.
So now we have the spectacle of Republicans competing over who can be most convincingly anti-Hispanic. I know, officially they’re not hostile to Hispanics in general, only to illegal immigrants, but that’s a distinction neither the G.O.P. base nor Hispanic voters takes seriously.
Today’s G.O.P., in short, is trapped by its history of cynicism. For decades it has exploited racial animosity to win over white voters — and now, when Republican politicians need to reach out to an increasingly diverse country, the base won’t let them.
A Socialist Plot, by Paul Krugman, Commentary, NY Times:
Suppose, for a moment, that the Heritage Foundation were to put out a press release attacking the liberal view that even children whose parents could afford to send them to private school should be entitled to free government-run education.
They’d have a point: many American families with middle-class incomes do send their kids to school at public expense, so taxpayers without school-age children subsidize families that do. And the effect is to displace the private sector: if public schools weren’t available, many families would pay for private schools instead.
So let’s end this un-American system and make education what it should be — a matter of individual responsibility and private enterprise. Oh, and we shouldn’t have any government mandates that force children to get educated, either. As a Republican presidential candidate might say, the future of America’s education system lies in free-market solutions, not socialist models.
O.K., in case you’re wondering, I haven’t lost my mind, I’m drawing an analogy. The real Heritage press release, titled “The Middle-Class Welfare Kid Next Door,” is an attack on proposals to expand the State Children’s Health Insurance Program. ... And Rudy Giuliani’s call for “free-market solutions, not socialist models” was about health care, not education...
The truth is that there’s no difference in principle between saying that every American child is entitled to an education and saying that every American child is entitled to adequate health care. It’s just a matter of historical accident that we think of access to free K-12 education as a basic right, but consider having the government pay children’s medical bills “welfare,“ with all the negative connotations that go with that term.
And conservative opposition to giving every child in this country access to health care is, in a fundamental sense, un-American.
Here’s what I mean: The great majority of Americans believe that everyone is entitled to a chance to make the most of his or her life. Even conservatives usually claim to believe that...
But a child who doesn’t receive adequate health care, like a child who doesn’t receive an adequate education, doesn’t have the same ... chances in life as children who get both these things. And insurance is crucial to receiving adequate health care...
So how can conservatives defend the indefensible, and oppose giving children the health care they need? By trying the old welfare queen in her Cadillac strategy (albeit without the racial innuendo that made it so effective when Reagan used it). That is, to divert public sympathy from people who really need help, they’re trying to change the subject to the supposedly undeserving recipients of government aid. Hence the emphasis on the evils of “middle-class welfare.”
Proponents of an expansion of children’s health care have, as they should, responded to this strategy with facts and figures. Congressional Budget Office estimates show that S-chip expansion would, in fact, primarily benefit those who need it most: the great majority of children receiving coverage under an expanded program would otherwise have been uninsured.
But the more fundamental response should be, so what?
We offer free education, and don’t worry about middle-class families getting benefits they don’t need, because that’s the only way to ensure that every child gets an education — and giving every child a fair chance is the American way. And we should guarantee health care to every child, for the same reason.
Operation Iraqi Freedom, it turns out, was never a war against Saddam Hussein's Iraq. It was an invasion of the federal budget, and no occupying force in history has ever been this efficient. George W. Bush's war in the Mesopotamian desert was an experiment of sorts, a crude first take at his vision of a fully privatized American government.
In Iraq the lines between essential government services and for-profit enterprises have been blurred to the point of absurdity -- to the point where wounded soldiers have to pay retail prices for fresh underwear, where modern-day chattel are imported from the Third World at slave wages to peel the potatoes we once assigned to grunts in KP, where private companies are guaranteed huge profits no matter how badly they f**k things up.
The Hangover Theory, by Paul Krugman:
A few weeks ago, a journalist devoted a substantial part of a profile of yours truly to my failure to pay due attention to the "Austrian theory" of the business cycle--a theory that I regard as being about as worthy of serious study as the phlogiston theory of fire. Oh well. But the incident set me thinking--not so much about that particular theory as about the general worldview behind it. Call it the overinvestment theory of recessions, or "liquidationism," or just call it the "hangover theory." It is the idea that slumps are the price we pay for booms, that the suffering the economy experiences during a recession is a necessary punishment for the excesses of the previous expansion.
The hangover theory is perversely seductive--not because it offers an easy way out, but because it doesn't. It turns the wiggles on our charts into a morality play, a tale of hubris and downfall. And it offers adherents the special pleasure of dispensing painful advice with a clear conscience, secure in the belief that they are not heartless but merely practicing tough love.
Powerful as these seductions may be, they must be resisted--for the hangover theory is disastrously wrongheaded. Recessions are not necessary consequences of booms. They can and should be fought, not with austerity but with liberality--with policies that encourage people to spend more, not less. Nor is this merely an academic argument: The hangover theory can do real harm. Liquidationist views played an important role in the spread of the Great Depression--with Austrian theorists such as Friedrich von Hayek and Joseph Schumpeter strenuously arguing, in the very depths of that depression, against any attempt to restore "sham" prosperity by expanding credit and the money supply. And these same views are doing their bit to inhibit recovery in the world's depressed economies at this very moment.
The many variants of the hangover theory all go something like this: In the beginning, an investment boom gets out of hand. Maybe excessive money creation or reckless bank lending drives it, maybe it is simply a matter of irrational exuberance on the part of entrepreneurs. Whatever the reason, all that investment leads to the creation of too much capacity--of factories that cannot find markets, of office buildings that cannot find tenants. Since construction projects take time to complete, however, the boom can proceed for a while before its unsoundness becomes apparent. Eventually, however, reality strikes--investors go bust and investment spending collapses. The result is a slump whose depth is in proportion to the previous excesses. Moreover, that slump is part of the necessary healing process: The excess capacity gets worked off, prices and wages fall from their excessive boom levels, and only then is the economy ready to recover. ...
The hangover theory ... turns out to be intellectually incoherent; nobody has managed to explain why bad investments in the past require the unemployment of good workers in the present. Yet the theory has powerful emotional appeal. Usually that appeal is strongest for conservatives, who can't stand the thought that positive action by governments (let alone--horrors!--printing money) can ever be a good idea. Some libertarians extol the Austrian theory, not because they have really thought that theory through, but because they feel the need for some prestigious alternative to the perceived statist implications of Keynesianism. ... But moderates and liberals are not immune to the theory's seductive charms--especially when it gives them a chance to lecture others...
A Call for More Scientific Truth in Product Warning Labels

Posted Tuesday, Aug. 21, 2007, at 6:26 PM ET 
On Wednesday, Fox premieres a new scripted reality show which "follows the trials and tribulations of buxom blonde Lauren Jones" as she learns the ropes of broadcast journalism. Jones has no journalistic experience, but she does have one thing in common with many female broadcasters: blond hair. In February 2006, Jack Shafer reported that blondes dominate the TV news airwaves in numbers far beyond their proportions in the population.
Click here to read Jack Shafer's original slide show.
A Day of Reckoning for Americans Who Lived Beyond Their Means
Sunday 12 August 2007
The pessimists who have long forecast that the US economy was in for trouble finally seem to be coming into their own. Of course, there is no glee in seeing stock prices tumble as a result of soaring mortgage defaults. But it was largely predictable, as are the likely consequences for both the millions of Americans who will be facing financial distress and the global economy.
The story goes back to the recession of 2001. With the support of former Federal Reserve chairman Alan Greenspan, US President George W. Bush pushed through a tax cut designed to benefit the richest Americans but not to lift the economy out of the recession that followed the collapse of the Internet bubble.
Given that mistake, the Fed had little choice if it was to fulfill its mandate to maintain growth and employment. It had to lower interest rates, which it did in an unprecedented way - all the way down to 1 percent.
It worked, but in a way fundamentally different from how monetary policy normally works. Usually, low interest rates lead firms to borrow more to invest more, and greater indebtedness is matched by more productive assets.
But given that overinvestment in the 1990s was part of the problem underpinning the recession, lower interest rates did not stimulate much investment. The economy grew, but mainly because American families were persuaded to take on more debt, refinancing their mortgages and spending some of the proceeds. And, as long as housing prices rose as a result of lower interest rates, Americans could ignore their growing indebtedness.
Even this did not stimulate the economy enough. To get more people to borrow more money, credit standards were lowered, fueling growth in so-called "sub-prime" mortgages. Moreover, new products were invented, which lowered upfront payments, making it easier for individuals to take bigger mortgages.
Some mortgages even had negative amortization: payments did not cover the interest due, so every month the debt grew more. Fixed mortgages, with interest rates at 6 percent, were replaced with variable-rate mortgages, whose interest payments were tied to the lower short-term T-bill rates.
What were called "teaser rates" allowed even lower payments for the first few years. They were teasers because they played off the fact that many borrowers were not financially sophisticated and didn't really understand what they were getting into.
And Greenspan egged them to pile on the risk by encouraging these variable-rate mortgages. On Feb. 23, 2004, he pointed out that "many homeowners might have saved tens of thousands of dollars had they held adjustable-rate mortgages rather than fixed-rate mortgages during the past decade."
But did Greenspan really expect interest rates to remain permanently at 1 percent - a negative real interest rate? Did he not think about what would happen to poor Americans with variable-rate mortgages if interest rates rose, as they almost surely would?
Of course, Greenspan's behavior meant that, under his watch, the economy performed better than it otherwise would have done. But it was only a matter of time before that performance became unsustainable.
Fortunately, most Americans did not follow Greenspan's advice to switch to variable-rate mortgages. But even as short-term interest rates began to rise, the day of reckoning was postponed, as new borrowers could obtain fixed-rate mortgages at interest rates that were not increasing.
Remarkably, as short-term interest rates rose, medium and long-term interest rates did not, something that was referred to as a "conundrum."
One hypothesis is that foreign central banks that were accumulating trillions of dollars finally figured out that they were likely to be holding these reserves for years to come, and could afford to put at least some of the money into medium-term US treasury notes yielding - initially - far higher returns than T-bills.
The housing price bubble eventually broke and, with prices declining, some have discovered that their mortgages are larger than the value of their house. Others found that as interest rates rose, they simply could not make their payments.
Too many Americans built no cushion into their budgets, and mortgage companies, focusing on the fees generated by new mortgages, did not encourage them to do so.
Just as the collapse of the real estate bubble was predictable, so are its consequences: housing starts and sales of existing homes are down and housing inventories are up.
By some reckonings, more than two-thirds of the increase in output and employment over the past six years has been real estate-related, reflecting both new housing and households borrowing against their homes to support a consumption binge.
The housing bubble induced Americans to live beyond their means - net savings have been negative for the past couple of years. With this engine of growth turned off, it is hard to see how the US economy would not suffer from a slowdown. A return to fiscal sanity will be good in the long run, but it will reduce aggregate demand in the short run.
There is an old adage about how people's mistakes continue to live long after they are gone. That is certainly true of Greenspan. In Bush's case, we are beginning to bear the consequences even before he has departed.
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Joseph Stiglitz, a Nobel laureate in economics, is professor of economics at Columbia University and was chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers under US President Bill Clinton and a chief economist and senior vice president at the World Bank. Copyright: Project Syndicate
Union of Concerned Scientists Satellite Database is Online
Group successfully details hardware-based iPhone unlocking
Published: 07:15 PM EST A determined group of hobbyists has documented breaking the iPhone's ties to AT&T through a mixture of hardware and software, proving that the Apple handset can be hacked to permanently function with other cellular carriers.
Pastoral, Church, and Business Models:
Scientists at the Indian Institute of Chemical Technology have found a much better way to make biodiesel. Their new method could lower the cost and increase the energy efficiency of fuel production.
Instead of mixing the ingredients and heating them for hours, the chemical engineers pass sunflower oil and methanol through a bed of pellets made from fungal spores. An enzyme produced by the fungus does the work -- making biodiesel with impressive efficiency.
Last Monday, Ravichandra Potumarthi showed off his work during a poster session at the International Conference on Bioengineering and Nanotechnology. After returning to his lab in Hyderabad, he was able to send out some pictures of his experimental reactor (shown on right) and the fungal pellets.
Typically, biodiesel is made by mixing methanol with lye and vegetable oil and then heating the brew for several hours. This bonds the methanol to the oils to produce energetic molecules called esters. Unfortunately, heating the mixture is a huge waste of energy, and a major selling point of alternative fuels is efficiency. An enzyme called lipase can link link oil to methanol without any extra heating, but the pure protein is expensive.
Potumarthi has a simple solution. Why bother purifying the lipase? It would be easier to just find an organism that produces plenty of the enzyme and squish it into pellets. In this case, the fungus Metarhizium anisopliae does the trick.
Recently, several huge research centers have sprung up to develop better ways to make biofuels. Considering that a handful of chemical engineers can accomplish so much on what appears to be a shoestring budget, the future of alternative fuels looks pretty good -- but maybe a bit slimy.


"We lack a clear understanding of what clutter is, what features, attributes and factors are relevant, why it presents a problem and how to identify it," said Ruth Rosenholtz, principal research scientist in MIT's Department of Brain and Cognitive Sciences (BCS) and the paper's lead author.Link posted by David Pescovitz on August 21, 2007, 01:59 PM permalink
The fact that one person's clutter is the next person's organized workspace makes it hard to come up with a universal measure of clutter. Rosenholtz and colleagues modeled what makes items in a display harder or easier to pick out. They used this model, which incorporates data on color, contrast and orientation, to come up with a software tool to measure visual clutter.
To be useful, such a tool has to capture the effect of clutter on performance. In their paper, Rosenholtz and her colleagues-- MIT BCS graduate student Yuanzhen Li and BCS undergraduate Lisa Nakano--tested the influence of clutter on searching for a symbol in a map, like an arrow indicating "you are here." They found good correlation between the time it takes to find a symbol in a map and the amount of clutter according to their measure.
The most commonly known example of an event horizon is defined around general relativity's description of a black hole, a celestial object dense enough that its gravitational field is so strong that no matter or radiation can escape. This is sometimes described as the boundary within which the black hole's escape velocity is greater than the speed of light. While this definition can be made to work, it only does so if the effects of special and general relativity are taken into account. A more accurate description is to note that within this horizon, all lightlike paths (paths light could take), and hence all paths in the forward light cones of particles within the horizon, are warped so as to fall further into the hole. Once a particle is inside the horizon, moving into the hole is as inevitable as moving forward in time (and can actually be thought of as equivalent to doing so, depending on the spacetime coordinate system used).
Blackwater:
Trusted Sources
by Nathan Gardals in LA Times
"For consumers to trust Chinese products, they must trust regulation of those products. And regulation cannot be trusted without the rule of law, which doesn't bend to bribery, fraud and quanxi (connections). ...[T]he ultimate paradox of Deng's soft totalitarianism is that privatizing people's lives will ultimately deprive the authorities of their power. As more people come to enjoy private freedom, fewer will abide it being taken away. Globalization, it seems, has accelerated this process by forging a kind of objective coalition of the growing Chinese middle class and the American consumer in favor of the rule of law. ...
Savvy consumers are not likely to buy China's response of prosecuting or executing high-level officials -- "killing the chicken to scare the monkey." They simply want the lead removed from their children's toys or they will take their purchases elsewhere.
Hamid Varzi, "an economist and banker based in Tehran," discusses how the U.S. is viewed by the rest of the world:
A debt culture gone awry, by Hamid Varzi, Commentary, IHT: (Tehran) The U.S. economy, once the envy of the world, is now viewed across the globe with suspicion. America has become shackled by an immovable mountain of debt that endangers its prosperity and threatens to bring the rest of the world economy crashing down with it.
The ongoing sub-prime mortgage crisis, a result of irresponsible lending policies designed to generate commissions for unscrupulous brokers, presages far deeper problems in a U.S. economy that is beginning to resemble a giant smoke-and-mirrors Ponzi scheme. And this has not been lost on the rest of the world.
This new reality has had unfortunate side effects that go beyond economics. As a banker working in the heart of the Muslim world, I have been amazed by the depth and breadth of anti-Americanism, even among U.S. allies, manifested in reactions ranging from fierce anger to stoic fatalism. Muslims outside the United States interpret America's policies in the Middle East not as an effort to spread democracy but as a blatant neocolonialist attempt to solve its economic problems by force. Arabs and Persians alike argue that America's fiscal irresponsibility has forced the nation to seek solutions through military aggression.
Many believe that America's misguided adventure in Iraq was a desperate attempt to capture both a reliable source of cheap oil and a major export market for the United States. ...
What have Americans gained from their nation's mountain of debt? A crumbling infrastructure, a manufacturing base that has declined 60 percent since World War II, a rise in the wealth gap, the lowest consumer-savings rate since the depths of the Great Depression, 50 million Americans without health insurance, an educational system in decline and a shrinking dollar that makes foreign travel a luxury.
The best cars, the best bridges and highways, the fastest trains and the tallest buildings are all to be found outside America's borders. ...
The bottom line is that America is awash in red ink and seeks the wrong solutions to its debt problems. A return to fiscal responsibility would make America far stronger, both domestically and internationally, than would a continuation of current policies that falsely project strength through idle protectionist threats and failed military aggression.
Current tensions between the United States and the rest of the world will continue as long as America's military bark is louder than its economic bite.
A solution to the U.S. debt problem requires radical measures, including: the elimination of corporate tax loopholes, a reversal of tax breaks for the ultra-rich, a bipartisan campaign to eliminate budget "pork," imposition of stringent limits on corporate debt and speculative lending, a vast reduction in military expenditure and, finally, an additional 50 cent per gallon gasoline tax that would slash the federal deficit, curtail energy waste and spur technological breakthroughs.
Let us hope America heeds the warnings, dispenses with junk-food economics and embraces a crucial diet of fiscal discipline. It remains to be seen, however, whether America's political leaders have the courage to instigate such reforms, and whether Congress is finally willing to do something for the future of ordinary, hard-working Americans.
The view of Iraq from soldiers serving there:
The War as We Saw It By Buddhika Jayamaha, Wesley D. Smith, Jeremy Roebuck, Omar Mora, Edward Sandmeier, Yance T. Gray and Jeremy A. Murphy: (Baghdad) Viewed from Iraq at the tail end of a 15-month deployment, the political debate in Washington is indeed surreal. ... To believe that Americans, with an occupying force that long ago outlived its reluctant welcome, can win over a recalcitrant local population and win this counterinsurgency is far-fetched. As responsible infantrymen and noncommissioned officers with the 82nd Airborne Division soon heading back home, we are skeptical of recent press coverage portraying the conflict as increasingly manageable and feel it has neglected the mounting civil, political and social unrest we see every day. ...
The claim that we are increasingly in control of the battlefields in Iraq is an assessment arrived at through a flawed, American-centered framework. ... What soldiers call the “battle space” remains the same, with changes only at the margins. It is crowded with actors who do not fit neatly into boxes: Sunni extremists, Al Qaeda terrorists, Shiite militiamen, criminals and armed tribes. This situation is made more complex by the questionable loyalties and Janus-faced role of the Iraqi police and Iraqi Army, which have been trained and armed at United States taxpayers’ expense. ...
In short, we operate in a bewildering context of determined enemies and questionable allies, one where the balance of forces on the ground remains entirely unclear. (In the course of writing this article, this fact became all too clear: one of us, Staff Sergeant Murphy, an Army Ranger and reconnaissance team leader, was shot in the head ... on Aug. 12; he is expected to survive...) While we have the will and the resources to fight in this context, we are effectively hamstrung because realities on the ground require measures we will always refuse — namely, the widespread use of lethal and brutal force.
Given the situation, it is important not to assess security from an American-centered perspective. The ability of, say, American observers to safely walk down the streets of formerly violent towns is not a resounding indicator of security. What matters is the experience of the local citizenry and the future of our counterinsurgency. When we take this view, we see that a vast majority of Iraqis feel increasingly insecure and view us as an occupation force that has failed to produce normalcy after four years and is increasingly unlikely to do so as we continue to arm each warring side.
Coupling our military strategy to an insistence that the Iraqis meet political benchmarks for reconciliation is also unhelpful. ... Political reconciliation in Iraq will occur, but ... on Iraqi terms... There will be no magnanimous solutions that please every party the way we expect, and there will be winners and losers. The choice we have left is to decide which side we will take. Trying to please every party in the conflict — as we do now — will only ensure we are hated by all in the long run.
At the same time, the most important front in the counterinsurgency, improving basic social and economic conditions, is the one on which we have failed most miserably. Two million Iraqis are in refugee camps in bordering countries. Close to two million more are internally displaced and now fill many urban slums. Cities lack regular electricity, telephone services and sanitation. “Lucky” Iraqis live in gated communities barricaded with concrete blast walls that provide them with a sense of communal claustrophobia rather than any sense of security we would consider normal. ...
Four years into our occupation, we have failed on every promise... When the primary preoccupation of average Iraqis is when and how they are likely to be killed, we can hardly feel smug as we hand out care packages. As an Iraqi man told us a few days ago with deep resignation, “We need security, not free food.”
In the end, we need to recognize that our presence may have released Iraqis from the grip of a tyrant, but that it has also robbed them of their self-respect. They will soon realize that the best way to regain dignity is to call us what we are — an army of occupation — and force our withdrawal.
Until that happens, it would be prudent for us to increasingly let Iraqis take center stage in all matters, to ... let them resolve their differences as they see fit. This suggestion is not meant to be defeatist, but rather to highlight our pursuit of incompatible policies to absurd ends without recognizing the incongruities.
We need not talk about our morale. As committed soldiers, we will see this mission through.
Posted by Mark Thoma on August 19, 2007 at 12:42 AM in Iraq
Workouts, Not Bailouts
In April, Henry Paulson, the Treasury secretary, declared that all the signs he saw indicated that the housing market was "at or near the bottom." Earlier this month he was still insisting that problems caused by the meltdown in the market for subprime mortgages were "largely contained."
But the time for denial is past.
According to data released yesterday, both housing starts and applications for building permits have fallen to their lowest levels in a decade, showing that home construction is still in free fall. And if historical relationships are any guide, home prices are still way too high. The housing slump will probably be with us for years, not months.
Meanwhile, it's becoming clear that the mortgage problem is anything but contained. For one thing, it's not confined to subprime mortgages, which are loans to people who don't satisfy the standard financial criteria. There are also growing problems in so-called Alt-A mortgages (don't ask), which are another 20 percent of the mortgage market. Problems are starting to appear in prime loans, too - all of which is what you would expect given the depth of the housing slump.
Many on Wall Street are clamoring for a bailout - for Fannie Mae or the Federal Reserve or someone to step in and buy mortgage-backed securities from troubled hedge funds. But that would be like having the taxpayers bail out Enron or WorldCom when they went bust - it would be saving bad actors from the consequences of their misdeeds.
For it is becoming increasingly clear that the real-estate bubble of recent years, like the stock bubble of the late 1990s, both caused and was fed by widespread malfeasance. Rating agencies like Moody's Investors Service, which get paid a lot of money for rating mortgage-backed securities, seem to have played a similar role to that played by complaisant accountants in the corporate scandals of a few years ago. In the '90s, accountants certified dubious earning statements; in this decade, rating agencies declared dubious mortgage-backed securities to be highest-quality, AAA assets.
Yet our desire to avoid letting bad actors off the hook shouldn't prevent us from doing the right thing, both morally and in economic terms, for borrowers who were victims of the bubble.
Most of the proposals I've seen for dealing with the problems of subprime borrowers are of the locking-the-barn-door-after-the-horse-is-gone variety: they would curb abusive lending practices - which would have been very useful three years ago - but they wouldn't help much now. What we need at this point is a policy to deal with the consequences of the housing bust.
Consider a borrower who can't meet his or her mortgage payments and is facing foreclosure. In the past, as Gretchen Morgenson recently pointed out in The Times, the bank that made the loan would often have been willing to offer a workout, modifying the loan's terms to make it affordable, because what the borrower was able to pay would be worth more to the bank than its incurring the costs of foreclosure and trying to resell the home. That would have been especially likely in the face of a depressed housing market.
Today, however, the mortgage broker who made the loan is usually, as Ms. Morgenson says, "the first link in a financial merry-go-round." The mortgage was bundled with others and sold to investment banks, who in turn sliced and diced the claims to produce artificial assets that Moody's or Standard & Poor's were willing to classify as AAA. And the result is that there's nobody to deal with.
This looks to me like a clear case for government intervention: there's a serious market failure, and fixing that failure could greatly help thousands, maybe hundreds of thousands, of Americans. The federal government shouldn't be providing bailouts, but it should be helping to arrange workouts.
And we've done this sort of thing before - for third-world countries, not for U.S. citizens. The Latin American debt crisis of the 1980s was brought to an end by so-called Brady deals, in which creditors were corralled into reducing the countries' debt burdens to manageable levels. Both the debtors, who escaped the shadow of default, and the creditors, who got most of their money, benefited.
The mechanics of a domestic version would need a lot of work, from lawyers as well as financial experts. My guess is that it would involve federal agencies buying mortgages - not the securities conjured up from these mortgages, but the original loans - at a steep discount, then renegotiating the terms. But I'm happy to listen to better ideas.
The point, however, is that doing nothing isn't the only alternative to letting the parties who got us into this mess off the hook. Say no to bailouts - but let's help borrowers work things out.
It's All About Them
Ask not what your country can do for you - ask what you can do for your father's political campaign.
Last week, at one of Mitt Romney's "Ask Mitt" forums, a woman in the audience asked Mr. Romney whether any of his five sons are serving in the military and, if not, when they plan to enlist.
The candidate replied with a rambling attempt to change the subject, but near the end he let his real feelings slip. "It's remarkable how we can show our support for our nation," he said, "and one of the ways my sons are showing support for our nation is helping to get me elected, because they think I'd be a great president."
Wow. The important point isn't the fact that Mr. Romney's sons aren't in uniform - although it is striking just how few of those who claim to believe that we're engaged in a struggle for our very existence think that they themselves should be called on to make any sacrifices. The point is, instead, that Mr. Romney apparently considers helping him get elected an act of service comparable to putting your life on the line in Iraq.
Yet the week's prize for most self-centered remark by a serious presidential contender goes not to Mr. Romney, but to his principal rival for the G.O.P. nomination.
Rudy Giuliani has lately been getting some long-overdue criticism for his missteps both before and after 9/11. For example, The Village Voice reports that he insisted that the city's emergency command center - which included a personal suite with its own elevator that he visited "often, even on weekends, bringing his girlfriend Judi Nathan there long before the relationship surfaced" - be within walking distance of City Hall. This led to the disastrous decision to locate the center in the World Trade Center, an obvious potential terrorist target.
At the same time, Mr. Giuliani is being attacked for his failure to take adequate precautions to protect those who worked on the cleanup at ground zero from the hazards at the site. Many workers have since been sickened by the dust and toxic materials.
For a politician whose entire campaign is based on the myth of his leadership that fateful day - as The Onion put it, Mr. Giuliani is running for "president of 9/11" - anything that challenges his personal legend is a big problem. So here's what Mr. Giuliani said last week in response: "I was at ground zero as often, if not more, than most of the workers.... I was exposed to exactly the same things they were exposed to. So in that sense, I'm one of them."
Real ground zero workers, who were digging through the toxic rubble while Mr. Giuliani held photo ops, were understandably outraged. So the next day Mr. Giuliani tried to recover, claiming that "what I was trying to say yesterday is that I empathize with them because I feel like I have that same risk." But thanks to the wonders of YouTube, we can all watch Mr. Giuliani's actual demeanor as he delivered the original remarks. Empathy had nothing to do with it.
What's striking about these unintentional moments of self-revelation is how much Mr. Romney and Mr. Giuliani sound like the current occupant of the White House.
It has long been clear that President Bush doesn't feel other people's pain. His self-centeredness shines through whenever he makes off-the-cuff, unscripted remarks, from his jocular obliviousness in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina to the joke he made last year in San Antonio when visiting the Brooke Army Medical Center, which treats the severely wounded: "As you can possibly see, I have an injury myself - not here at the hospital, but in combat with a cedar. I eventually won. The cedar gave me a little scratch."
What's now clear is that the two men most likely to end up as the G.O.P. presidential nominee are cut from the same cloth.
This probably isn't a coincidence. Arguably, the current state of the Republican Party is such that only extreme narcissists have a chance of getting nominated.
To be a serious presidential contender, after all, you have to be a fairly smart guy - and nobody has accused either Mr. Romney or Mr. Giuliani of being stupid. To appeal to the G.O.P. base, however, you have to say very stupid things, like Mr. Romney's declaration that we should "double Guantánamo," or Mr. Giuliani's dismissal of the idea that raising taxes is sometimes necessary to pay for things like repairing bridges as a "Democratic, liberal assumption."
So the G.O.P. field is dominated by smart men willing to play dumb to further their personal ambitions. We shouldn't be surprised, then, to learn that these men are monstrously self-centered.
All of which leaves us with a political question. Most voters are thoroughly fed up with the current narcissist in chief. Are they really ready to elect another?
"We satisfy our endless needs
The Eagles - The last resort
(Hotel California; 1976)
Very Scary Things, by Paul Krugman, Commentary, NY Times:
"What’s been happening in financial markets over the past few days is something that truly scares monetary economists: liquidity has dried up. That is, markets in ... financial instruments backed by home mortgages ... have shut down because there are no buyers."
The song "Little Boxes" was allegedly written about Levittown
In Levittown, all the homes did look the same. Even all of the gardens were manicured similarly. Residents only hung laundry out to dry on specified hangers and only on certain days. If someone disregarded their grass for too long, Levitt would send people in to cut the grass and send the bill later. The Levittowner baby boomers had formed communities where all of the homes looked similar, but it did not matter to the residents, satisfied and content to just have a single family house.
In her song "Little Boxes," folk singer Malvina Reynolds described the little box houses of Levittown and its residents as "all just the same." She described how everyone living in the houses all lived the same monotonous life and how everything always ended up the same, just like the houses. Her observations are right, wrong or both depending on your perspective.
"LITTLE BOXES"
Little boxes on the hill side, little boxes made of ticky tacky.
Little boxes, little boxes, little boxes all the same.
There's a green one and a pink one and a blue one and a yellow one,
And they're all made out of ticky tacky, and they all look just the same.
And the people in the houses all went to the university
Where they were put in boxes, little boxes, all the same.
And there's doctors and there's lawyers, and there's business executives
And they're all made out of ticky tacky and they all look just the same.
And they all play on the golf course and drink their martini dry
And they all have pretty children and the children go to school
And the children go to summer camp and then to the university
Where they all get put in boxes and they all come out the same.
And the boys go into business and marry and raise a family
In boxes, little boxes, little boxes all the same.
There's a green one and a pink one and a blue one and a yellow one
And they're all made out of ticky tacky and they all look just the same.
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Words and music by Malvina Reynolds
Copyright 1963 by Schroder Music Co.

Go directly to the NOAA Temperature Changes page.
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Courtesy of EPA Website Report
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) concluded in 2007 that warming of the climate system is now “unequivocal,” based on observations of increases in global average air and ocean temperatures, widespread melting of snow and ice, and rising global average sea level (IPCC, 2007).
According to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration's (NOAA) 2006 State of the Climate Report and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration's (NASA) 2006 Surface Temperature Analysis:
Additionally (from IPCC, 2007):
"The genius of a competitive market system is not in the individual products produced, but in the climate of experimentation and discovery that unleashes the creativity of a society."
WASHINGTON — The government gave a failing grade to a prototype device that Microsoft Corp., Google Inc., Dell Inc. and other technology companies said would beam high-speed Internet service over unused television airwaves.
In a 85-page report, the Federal Communications Commission on July 31 said the devices submitted by the technology coalition could not reliably detect unused TV spectrum, and could also cause interference.
Despite the setback, FCC chairman Kevin Martin said Tuesday the agency still would like to find a way to transmit high-speed Internet service over the unused airwaves.
Edmond Thomas, who represents the technology coalition, said the companies are convinced the spectrum can be used without causing interference to TV and wireless microphone signals.
"We intend to work with the FCC in order to identify the discrepancies in their tests with the tests we've done," Thomas, who is a former chief engineer with the FCC, said Wednesday.
The technology companies say the unlicensed and unused TV airwaves, also known as "white spaces," would make Internet service accessible and affordable, especially in rural areas and also spur innovation.
However, TV broadcasters oppose usage of white spaces because they fear the device will cause interference with television programming and could cause problems with a federally mandated transition from analog to digital signals in February 2009.
If the device eventually is approved by the FCC, it could adopt rules for operating unlicensed devices in the white-space spectrum by October, according to its own timetable. By December, the agency could start certifying similar devices, which means manufacturers of the devices must show their technology conforms to the agency's technical requirements.
But any such devices would not go on sale until after Feb. 18, 2009 when TV broadcasters switch from analogy to digital transmissions.
Who Am I?
He was born about 1894, near the small town of Supine. His father, a section boss on the railroad, was killed when he was a month old. His mother was left with only "gumption" and a house in which she was able to keep boarders. His early youth in Supine involved cornering all the marbles in town at age nine, serving as a messenger for the telegraph company, having a girlfriend named Millie, fishing, swimming and raiding melon patches with Spike Spangle and beating up the son of the banker who planned to foreclose on his mother's house.
Then on June 7, 1905 when he was only 11, his mother died at age 30, of typhoid. On the night of the funeral he was put on the outbound Limited. Presumably he later spent some time in the city for he and Paddy Cairns were companions together in the old 8th Ward.
For a few semesters he attended college studying engineering but found no time for football or girls because he had to work seven nights a week and Sundays in the local steel mill to pay off a debt. His family background and lack of prep school education kept him from entering a fraternity. He eventually became foreman in the rolling mill, married, worked and planned for a family, kids, and house of their own. When "Daddy" began to make big money the marital happiness was lost but he retained his identity with the common people.[1]
The derivation of his name is from his making millions through munition sales in World War I.
After the war, he continued as an industrialist, but became a philanthropist as well—his fortune had built to "ten zillion dollars." His wife instigated the taking in (no adoption ever took place[2]) of a young girl while he was away on a business trip. On his return, he was smitten with the child and, as her father-figure, offered the girl support as needed. He often intervened in Annie's life during crisis, always returning in time to save the day.[3]
Despite his immense wealth, he was, now and then, reduced to such poverty as to be forced to raid the piggy bank. He always leaves an I.O.U., and is always restored to his wealth and repays his debts.
He is knighted by the Queen later in life.
America praises Islamabad's efforts to fight extremists |
AP |
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Washington: A US diplomat said that Pakistan must use its boosted military presence in lawless tribal regions to do more to fight extremists. But the official defended Pakistan's much criticised efforts to defeat Al Qaida and Taliban militants. John Gastright, a deputy assistant secretary of state, told lawmakers on Wednesday of a growing threat of violence in Pakistan, a key US ally in the fight against militants in South Asia. The United States, he said, believes Pakistan can do more in that fight. But he noted 100,000 Pakistani troops along the rugged Afghan border and praised Pakistan's soldiers for harassing terrorists in an area where they previously felt safe. He testified that Islamabad "must now use these assets to take more effective action against extremists taking refuge there." When a lawmaker raised the most recent US National Intelligence Estimate, which says Al Qaida had become increasingly comfortable in Pakistan, Gastright commended Islamabad's comprehensive strategy to fight extremists. Tensions rise "The government of Pakistan is no friend of Al Qaida," he said. "No government has captured or killed more Al Qaida or Taliban extremists than the government of Pakistan." The House of Representatives subcommittee on South Asia hearing comes as security deteriorates in Pakistan and as tensions rise between Washington and Islamabad. President Pervez Musharraf is facing increasing criticism from Washington that the country's tribal regions have become a haven for terrorists; Pakistan denies this. |
Long Creation Days
Important Early Modern Homo Sapiens Sites | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| Note: Artifactual evidence indicates that modern humans were in Europe by at least 40,000 and possibly as early as 46,000 years ago. Dating of the earliest modern human fossils in Asia is less secure, but it is likely that they were present there by around 60,000 years ago. Copyright © 1999-2007 by Dennis O'Neil. All rights reserved. |
Reply to a first offender off-line. There is no need of public humiliation for someone who may have made an honest mistake.
If you don't know for sure, say so! A wrong but authoritative-sounding answer is worse than none at all. Don't point anyone down a wrong path simply because it's fun to sound like an expert. Be humble and honest; set a good example.
If you can't help, don't hinder. Don't make jokes about procedures that could trash the user's setup — the poor sap might interpret these as instructions.
Ask probing questions to elicit more details. If you're good at this, the querent will learn something — and so might you. Try to turn the bad question into a good one; remember we were all newbies once.
While just muttering RTFM is sometimes justified when replying to someone who is just a lazy slob, a pointer to documentation (even if it's just a suggestion to google for a key phrase) is better.
If you're going to answer the question at all, give good value. Don't suggest kludgy workarounds when somebody is using the wrong tool or approach. Suggest good tools. Reframe the question.
Help your community learn from the question. When you field a good question, ask yourself “How would the relevant documentation or FAQ have to change so that nobody has to answer this again?” Then send a patch to the document maintainer.
If you did research to answer the question, demonstrate your skills rather than writing as though you pulled the answer out of your butt. Answering one good question is like feeding a hungry person one meal, but teaching them research skills by example is teaching them to grow food for a lifetime.
Single-Payer System Would Give US the World's Best Care
Monday 07 May 2007
Major newspaper editorials in the US rail regularly against health care reform. But more often than not, such railings represent yet another attempt by members of the health insurance industry, or someone with very good insurance, to torpedo the best choice for health care reform - a single-payer system, or Medicare for all - by using scare words like rationing or socialized medicine.
As a family physician on the front lines of medicine, I see daily the difficulties patients face due to lack of insurance or underinsurance. Generally, these patients ration their own care, disappearing for a year or two when they lose their job and insurance, only to return with sky-high blood pressures or out-of-control diabetes, effectively taking years off their lives.
In New Hampshire, approximately 135,000 citizens lack health insurance, and, for those who have it, many can't get all they need. The MRI wait may not be long, but many people can't see their doctor, much less get an MRI. Now, with health savings accounts and high-deductible plans, I have insured patients refusing their MRIs due to the cost.
It is estimated that 18,000 Americans die annually due to lack of insurance - a rather harsh effect of our present method of rationing. Shouldn't the elimination of these deaths be a national priority?
The editorial mentions Canadians coming to the United States for surgery because of better and more readily available care. These numbers are rather small, and the editorial fails to mention Americans going to Canada to get affordable drugs, or the ever-increasing phenomenon of medical tourism, where Americans travel abroad to get surgeries that are more affordable.
The bottom line is that Canadians enjoy longer, healthier lives than Americans, despite spending far less than we do, while covering every citizen. In a recent survey, only 3.5 percent of Canadians reported feeling that they waited too long for care - a much smaller number than our 15 percent uninsured, who wait quite a bit. Long waits are a misleading myth.
Furthermore, a recent Harris Interactive poll of patients in the leading industrial societies found that Canada ranked first and the United States last in patient satisfaction with health care. You can't just poll those with good insurance, after all!
Remember the term "single-payer" as the best solution to our health care system's problems. If one believes that health care is a human right and not a privilege, and if one wants to avoid having a health insurance company - which profits by denying care - choosing which tests you can have and which drugs you can take, it is the best answer.
The government pays for more than 50 percent of health care costs already through Medicare, Medicaid, federal employees, the military and the Veterans Administration, so it is not a radical stretch to extend Medicare to all Americans to cover the uninsured.
HR 676 has been introduced in the US House of Representatives by (along with others) Democratic presidential candidate Dennis Kucinich. In my home state of New Hampshire, the House has shown great wisdom in introducing a resolution to study single-payer care for the state.
When discussing health care reform, don't be scared by words like "rationed" or "socialized." Be informed, be wise and be empathic - choose what's best for America and all its citizens, not just those with good insurance.
If we took the money, structure and ingenuity in the current health care arena and applied it to the whole population via a single-payer system that eliminated the unfairness, complexities and waste, we truly would have the world's best health care for our citizens.
DIBYA SARKAR | August 8, 2007 |
Associated Press via Huffington Post ompare with versions